Opinion|Laurent Crépeau
If
you follow current events, you’ve probably heard of Bill C-51, or the Anti-terrorism
Act, 2015 as it’s sometimes called. There’s been some debate about it
throughout this campaign. Journalists did manage to get some answers from party
leaders when they didn’t try to gently, yet ubiquitously shift the scope of the
question they were asked to include painfully tedious reminders that their
platform is the best ever proposed to support the middle class. And while all
parties have expressed a clear position on this issue, it remains one of the
most underrated questions of this election campaign, which has just ended.
In
case you need to freshen your memory, Bill C-51 was a 2015 omnibus bill passed
in June 2015 that came as a response to the two successive terrorist attacks in
Saint-Jean-sur-Richelieu and in Ottawa, last year. In a nutshell, its main
purpose was to implement new security measures to protect Canadian citizens as
well as granting more freedom in the sharing of personal information among
Government of Canada agencies as well as increasing the Secret Services’
capacity to act in certain situations.
Now
that Harper is no longer in power, Liberals can make big changes to Canada’s
anti-terrorism strategy. From the legal perspective, they definitely should.
C-51 is anything but a well-thought piece of legislation. Too many bugs have
found their way into this law and keeping it in its current state is not only
foolish, but possibly very dangerous, also.
A
main problem with this bill is that it introduced legal terms that in addition
to being unprecedented, are so broad that their effect is almost
counter-productive. Instead of clarifying aspects of the law, it complicates
things with overly broad concepts and definitions. The pillar of the Security of Canada Information Sharing Act (Part
1 of C-51), “activity that undermines the security of Canada” is poorly
defined. Its definition leaves gray areas and opens the door to arbitrary
suppression of protest and dissent.
Written as such, the law could be used to excessive ends. Considering
a new definition could facilitate interpretation of this law. After all, let us
point out that this was a recurrent point of contention brought up by experts
during public hearings on the matter.
This isn’t the only problem with this law however. Another
major issue is the lack of parliamentary oversight and independent review.
Without proper examination of how the CSIS and RCMP decide to act, the door for
abuse becomes wide open. One of the main intents of C-51 was to provide the
aforementioned agencies with the capacity to act quicker in order to protect
Canadian citizens. The only problem is that by allowing greater clearance the
way it did, this law made it so that the fundamental freedoms of others might
be put into jeopardy.
What many legal experts including Ken Roach and Craig
Forcese, two professors of Law at the University of Toronto and University of
Ottawa, respectively, fear is that the current legislation would make it so
that information would not be sufficiently analysed before being used to take
action. The cases examined by the Arar and Iacobucci commissions illustrate my
point. In both cases, Canadian citizens were subject to extraordinary
renditions– that is, the government sponsored abduction and extrajudicial
transfer of a person from one country to another
– by foreign governments and subsequently tortured as a result of the
Government of Canada using and sharing unreliable information that was later
proved to be flawed. Unfortunately, the current version of the law implemented
through C-51 does not provide enough safety mechanisms to avoid such injustice
from again taking place. Fortunately, however, Liberals have expressed their vague
intention to work on that part of the law. Hopefully steps will be taken in the
right direction.
Sunset clauses were also mentioned and would constitute good
additions to this law. This would imply that renewing draconian provisions of
the bill would need parliamentary approval every three years or so in order for
them to remain in effect.
What Liberals said they would do isn’t enough, however. The
law also poses important legal challenges in terms of redress and
accountability. Insufficient means for redress and gray areas of the law make
it fastidious for anyone to achieve any sort of compensation in the event of a
false positive. Notably, in accordance to the Secure Air Travel Act (Part 2 of C-51) individuals prevented from
boarding an airplane are not entitled to know whether they were put on a no-fly
list and furthermore, for what reasons they were put on it.
And while Canadian citizens should be anxious regarding such
suppression of their legal rights, the most worrying part of this bill is
undoubtedly section 21.1 of the Canadian
Safety Intelligence Service Act (Part 4 of C-51), which allows secret
services to infringe on fundamental rights of the Canadian Charter of Rights
and Freedoms if they have obtained a court warrant to do so. Here, the issue is
not simply about breaking Charter Rights – there should be legal ways to do so
in certain situations, though that’s another issue – the issue is about
imposing additional duties on a judge (and a very difficult one at that) when
time is of the essence. It is likely that rather than ensuring equal judgement
under the law, C-51 will lead to inconsistencies and fundamental rights are too
meaningful an issue to be judged without proper consideration.
Bill C-51 has too many flaws to remain as it is. Liberals
claim they want to fix this law to some extent, yet what they propose is not sufficient.
Adding more oversight and sunset clauses does help solving some problems, but not all problems,
and some of these are grave to the point that they absolutely shouldn’t be
ignored.
It
is a shame that politicians never truly engaged the issue during the campaign. Bill
C-51 is clearly one of the most important questions that the Harper years have
left us with. Now that Liberals are in power, C-51 is definitely here to stay.
What, hopefully, will done about this bill will be very interesting to follow,
however, as major reforms are in order.
Laurent Crépeau is a second-year Liberal Arts student who takes interest in History, Politics, International Relations, Law and Philosophy.
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